The end of the monarchy system in the year 1958 and the coming to power of a new political system in Iraq brought a set of high expectations for all nations and components of Iraq. Everyone was looking forward to the republican system creating a change in political thought in Iraq and leading to openness and the acceptance of pluralism in the country. In reality, a part of these expectations, after the 14 of July 1958, if only temporarily, were realized, and in this context, and as part of the openness, the ground was prepared for the return of Barzani and his comrades from the Soviet Union to Kurdistan.

After years in exile, on the date of the 6 of October 1958 Mustafa Barzani returned from the Soviet Union to Kurdistan. Because this return took place in coordination with the then-government of Iraq, it created high expectations among the people of Kurdistan regarding the beginning of a different era full of peace and stability in Iraq and Kurdistan. Conversely, the horizon of this expectation did not last very long, and the government, and especially the chauvinists, adopted a hostile and opposing direction to the point that they attempted to assassinate Barzani. The Kurdistan Democratic Party, led by Barzani, did its utmost to preserve this opportunity for peace and even showed great flexibility in this regard, but it appeared that the government's decision was something else.

Barzani and the Kurdistan Democratic Party fell between two fateful crossroads, which were compromising on achieving legitimate national rights or restarting the struggle and sacrifice. In the end, the first path was rejected without any hesitation, and the second option was chosen as a necessary path, and on the 11 of September 1961 the Aylul Revolution broke out and 'a wide area from Zakho to Khanaqin became a battlefield between the Kurd and the Iraqi government... in such a way that the border between the two countries of Iraq and Syria on the western front to the border of Iraq and Turkey on the northern front and the border of Iraq and Iran in the east and a part of the Tigris River and the Hamrin Mountains and Sinjar in the west of the city of Mosul fell under the influence of the events of the revolution. Finally, due to the continuation of the Kurdish liberation movement from October 1965 onwards, approximately 35000km2 of the area of those regions were liberated by Kurdish revolutionaries' and were managed in a self-governing manner.

A revolution is fundamentally the rejection of a specific authority and its executive institutions, but the tasks of a systematic revolution do not end here because not thinking about replacing the rejected institutions leads to the breakdown of the country's management structure and the creation of chaos. The Aylul Revolution, as an organized revolution, thought from the beginning about filling the vacuum of institutions within the borders of the liberated areas. In this regard, 'one of the agendas of Mustafa Barzani was the organization and institutionalization of the revolution's institutions, but due to some internal and external reasons, that program was delayed'. On the date of the 28-29 of September 1964, a preparatory Congress for the formation of the Revolution Leadership Council was held in the city of Qaladze under the leadership of Mustafa Barzani and the attendance of 350 political, military, and social figures from all over Kurdistan, and after reading the situation and making the necessary preparations, finally on the date of the 4 of October 1964 the Revolution Leadership Council was formed, and in this way, this council became the highest legislative authority in Kurdistan.

The Revolution Leadership Council consisted of approximately sixty-five members who represented the Party and different classes and segments of society and worked in the form of a legislative institution, as follows:

  • Members of the Central Committee of the Kurdistan Democratic Party
  • Commanders of the revolutionary army of Kurdistan
  • Two members of the leadership of the Iraqi Communist Party
  • Two religious scholars
  • A Christian priest
  • Several prominent figures from different regions of Kurdistan

The Revolution Leadership Council, for the distribution of tasks and better execution of its work, formed five special committees, which were:

  • Military Committee for the purpose of organizing military affairs and the Peshmerga forces.
  • Financial Committee for the purpose of organizing customs, tax, and financial affairs,
  • Administrative Committee for the purpose of managing the liberated areas.
  • Judicial Committee for the purpose of organizing judicial affairs and managing the courts.
  • Constitution Committee for the purpose of drafting the internal regulations and program of the Revolution Leadership Council.

On the 17 of October, the committees finished their work, and in a meeting, the members of the council approved the constitution of the Revolution Leadership Council, and at the end of the meeting Mustafa Barzani was elected as the president of the council. Because modern and institutional management alongside a legislative institution requires another institution for implementation, the Aylul Revolution Leadership Council elected another committee from within itself for this purpose, which was called the Executive Committee. This committee worked as a government and executive institution in the country.

         The Executive Bureau was the highest executive authority in the country and consisted of 12 members. This bureau itself consisted of eight different bureaus and departments, which were: Political Bureau, Military Bureau, Justice Bureau, Financial Bureau, Foreign Affairs Bureau, Economic Bureau, Security and Inspection Department, and Media Methods Department.

         The Revolution Leadership Council continued its work according to the different situations and stages and the developments that arose during that period until the 11 of March 1970. In reality, there is no official document or statement available that officially indicates the end of the work of the Revolution Leadership Council, but with the emergence of the new circumstances that came into being after the 11 of March agreement, the situation entered a new era and needed another reorganization, so this council no longer had any significant influence.

         During its years of existence, the Revolutionary Leadership Council was able to play an important and effective role in the fields and sectors it worked on, and its impact is clearly visible in the areas of administrative and financial organization, health, education and training, agriculture, justice, Peshmerga affairs, and social affairs. During that period, and under the auspices of this council, the revolution took on an institutional and systematic form and filled the void of a legislative institution.

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